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The Court And The Commentariat Get The
Fourth Amendment Wrong, Again
LAST WEEK THE US SUPREME COURT ISSUED another in a long series
of bad (that is, incorrect) rulings on the subject of the Fourth
Amendment. Not just my opinion, of course-- after all, who cares
what that is, or would deem it a sufficient measure of the
correctness of a ruling by the learned justices? Rather, the
"incorrect" is as held by those who wrote and ratified the
Fourth Amendment.
The ruling, issued in the case of
Florida v. Harris on February 19, concerned the question of
whether the challenged validity of a drug-sniffing dog's
indication of the presence of drugs in a car could be settled by
resort to police certification of the dog's reliability.
Harris's truck was searched on the basis of the warrantless
application of a dog's nose, after the dog gave what ultimately
proved to be a false positive alert to the presence of drugs of
the kind it had been trained to find. None of those drugs were
discovered upon a human search.
However, other contraband WAS found during the human search of
Harris's truck. Harris challenged the validity of this evidence,
arguing that it was the product of an unjustified search. The
trial court disagreed with Harris; the Florida Supreme Court
agreed with him. Last week the US Supreme Court unanimously
sided with the trial court and against Harris.
ALTHOUGH THE COURT'S LUDICROUS REASONING THAT police
certification of a dog's reliability should rule the day--
because who would think the police would ever dishonestly
exaggerate that reliability?-- merits comment on its own as an
example of the lunacy and anti-liberty perspective infesting
federal courts over the last twenty years, it is of no proper
interest in a serious analysis of this ruling. The only serious
issue here concerns the pernicious and original-intent-defying
doctrine that a warrantless search of a vehicle can be conducted
by any means-- including a dog's nose.
Unfortunately, all of the considerable commentary I've seen on
this ruling focuses entirely on the former subject, and excludes
any attention to the latter. This is akin to criticizing a
mugging for being carried out in an inappropriate place, rather
than for the crime itself, however and wherever it was
committed.
LET'S TAKE UP THE REAL ISSUE-- whether the Fourth Amendment
allows for any kind of search, ever, on any basis, without a
warrant conforming to the amendment's specifications. It doesn't
take long to discover that the answer is an unequivocal "NO!"
The argument to the contrary, developed by what is becoming a
long line of Supreme Court cases simply making clear that the
court is increasingly at odds with the law, is patently absurd.
The Fourth Amendment reads,
“The right of
the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers,
and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures,
shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon
probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and
particularly describing the place to be searched, and the
persons or things to be seized,”
Despite the clarity of this language, which could only be
improved buy the addition of a period after "violated" and the
removal of the "and" that follows, making the remainder a new
sentence, it is argued by the Supremes that some warrantless
searches are legal because the amendment should be understood to
say that "unreasonable" searches should be conducted with a
warrant, and to imply therefore that "reasonable" ones need not
be. I kid you not-- that's the argument.
Based on this wild mis-reading of the amendment's language, the
court has developed a doctrine that 1.) at certain times and in
certain circumstances, an American has no reasonable expectation
of privacy, 2.) therefore any search conducted in those times
and circumstances is inherently reasonable, and 3.) therefore
such a search requires no warrant.
PLAINLY THESE NOTIONS OF "REASONABLE" WARRANTLESS SEARCHES-- and
that there is such a thing as an "unreasonable" search that is
ok if conducted with a warrant, an oxymoron if ever there was
one-- are nonsense. A government invasion of someone's privacy
AT ANY TIME without already having a warrant based on a sworn,
credible and specific allegation that evidence of a crime will
be found is a Fourth Amendment violation. There are no
exceptions, and in their writings the Founders actually made
perfectly clear that "unreasonable" in the amendment doesn't
mean "out of the ordinary", "excessive" or "in violation of
reasonable expectations of privacy"; rather, it means "conducted
without a proper warrant."
For instance, the Virginia Declaration of Rights, one of the
earlier versions of the Fourth upon which the federal
Constitutional amendment was modeled, reads in pertinent part:
“That general
warrants, whereby any officer or messenger may be commanded
to search suspected places without evidence of a fact
committed, or to seize any person or persons not named, or
whose offence is not particularly described and supported by
evidence, are grievous and oppressive, and ought not to be
granted.”
Similarly, the Declaration of Rights in the Pennsylvania
Constitution of 1776, another precursor to the Fourth, says:
“That the
people have a right to hold themselves, their houses,
papers, and possessions free from search and seizure, and
therefore warrants without oaths or affirmations first made,
affording a sufficient foundation for them, and whereby any
officer or messenger may be commanded or required to search
suspected places, or to seize any person or persons, his or
their property, not particularly described, are contrary to
that right, and ought not to be granted.”
James Madison, in arguing for the inclusion of the Bill of
Rights before Congress, described his intent for the Fourth
thusly:
“The rights of
the people to be secured in their persons; their houses,
their papers, and their other property, from all
unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated by
warrants issued without probable cause, supported by oath or
affirmation, or not particularly describing the places to be
searched, or the persons or things to be seized.”
That Madison meant it was OK that such rights be violated as
long as a warrant wasn’t involved, which is to what the
'reasonable' exception argument really amounts, is absurd.
Massachusetts, in its Constitution of 1780, put it this way:
“Every
subject has a right to be secure from all unreasonable
searches, and seizures of his person, his houses, his
papers, and all his possessions. All warrants, therefore,
are contrary to this right, if the cause or foundation of
them be not previously supported by oath or affirmation; and
if the order in the warrant to a civil officer, to make
search in suspected places, or to arrest one or more
suspected persons, or to seize their property, be not
accompanied with a special designation of the persons or
objects of search, arrest, or seizure: and no warrant ought
to be issued but in cases, and with the formalities,
prescribed by the laws.”
Thus, the record makes clear to all except those who do not wish
to understand that by virtue of the Fourth Amendment, the
federal government is denied the power to conduct warrantless
searches or seizures under any circumstances. All searches which
ARE conducted-- anywhere, at any time and under any
circumstances other than "in hot blood" pursuant to an arrest--
must conform to the careful prescriptions of probable cause
previously established under penalty of perjury, and
particularity and explicitness as to the evidence to be sought
and seized.
THUS, AS WELL, IT IS CLEAR THAT the issue in rulings like the
one just made by the Supreme Court in Florida v. Harris
is not the court's reasoning about how reliable the dog might
be. Nor does it matter how delusional the court is about the
inherent honesty of drug cops regarding such things.
Instead, the focus of our concern in discussing this case and
others like it should be the fundamental violation of the
Constitution being embraced by the court in upholding any search
conducted in the absence of probable cause supported by oath
before an independent magistrate and naming the particular thing
expected to be found and the particular place in which it should
be. We let ourselves be distracted, and let the enemies of the
law control the terms of the debate, too often, and always at
our peril and to our detriment. |
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In
light of the newly-begun implementation of "Obamacare" thanks to
the green light offered by the Roberts Supreme Court, the
effort by the denizens of Mordor-on-the-Potomac to rationalize
"extra-judicial" state executions with reliance for cover in large part on citations of
other weasel-worded precedents by their colleagues in black
robes, and the Fourth Amendment unreasonableness discussed
above, I offer again the following Q & A, first posted here last
October:
What Does It Mean When "The Court Has
Spoken"?
WHAT DOES IT REALLY MEAN when a court makes a ruling? We all
want to imagine that a judicial ruling is an expression of what
the judge, in his studied and objective and impartial expertise,
has concluded to be true, correct, right or the law.
Unfortunately, truth, correctness and respect for the law are
not what judicial rulings are all about. What a judicial ruling
actually expresses is whatever the judge feels compelled (or
inclined) to enforce or deny, nothing more.
The fact is, the judicial process is grounded in political
considerations, particularly in the case of federal judges.
Federal judges are political appointees. What's more, they are
usually chosen from among the ranks of political activists who
have displayed firm personal allegiance to the views of those
doing the appointing, if not even having made campaign
contributions and other positive expressions of that allegiance.
Further, even though a sitting judge enjoys a lifetime
appointment pursuant to a Constitutional plan intended to
insulate him from political pressures and influences, his
expectations of advancement are grounded in politics, too. The
decisions about who makes it up the ladder from district court
to appellate court to possibly the supreme court are made by,
and for the purposes of, the reigning political faction.
As a consequence, a federal judge is compelled and inclined by
self-interest and personal predisposition to serve and defend
the current dominant political orthodoxy, whether it is grounded
in truth and the law or not. This is particularly true in regard
to any aspect of that orthodoxy that is shared by each political
faction that is variably in power off and on.
There being no other supervision available other than an empty
threat of impeachment by the very political elite who has
appointed him to rule as he does (only eight federal judges have
been impeached and removed from office in United States
history), we delude ourselves with the notion that a federal
judge will be obliged to respect the law by fear of reversal by
a higher court. But this is pure eyewash.
After all, the higher courts are themselves staffed by judges
advanced to their supervisory roles due to being the most
committed to enabling and supporting the reigning political
milieu of those in the cadre from which they rose. They are
wolves presiding over the foxes, elevated for their own
exceptional loyalty to, and accommodation of, the dominant
political factions.
All that said, certainly some judges will feel compelled or
inclined to rule on the basis of what's right and correct as a
matter of personal integrity, and in recognition of the fact
that this is how he's supposed to rule. We see and note with
surprise and delight these exceptional judges, now and then. But
since those chosen for judicial appointment are NOT selected on
the basis of their inclination to restrain those appointing
them, but rather exactly the contrary, such exceptional judges
are few and far between.
Sometimes, too, a judge will feel compelled or inclined to rule
based on what's right and correct because he can't see a
credible way of doing otherwise, given the particulars of the
case, or because he can't count on certain bad rulings being
adopted and defended by the court above him. Politics does cut
both ways, after all-- some kinds of rulings are so egregiously
wrong and so readily apprehended as such that public outcry
might result and threaten the stability of the system as it is.
But although correct rulings might result in instances such as
these, they do so not because anything inherent in the judicial
structure leads to them naturally. Instead, they happen in
spite of the prevailing forces controlling that structure,
and even when made, rulings truly respectful of the law often
come to naught.
Consider, for instance, the truly law-abiding ruling of the
Ninth Circuit court in Raich v. Ashcroft, in 2003. This
was a case in which a California woman (Angel Raich) had grown
marijuana on her own property for her own consumption.
Raich was arrested by federal drug-thugs on charges grounded in
federal authority to regulate commerce among the several states
(as are all federal "controlled substance" statutes). That
clause reads: "Congress shall have power to regulate commerce
with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the
Indian tribes."
Raich argued, reasonably, that her behavior had no "commerce
clause" relationship, since not only was she doing nothing
"inter-state", she was not even doing anything commercial. The
Ninth circuit agreed, in a well-written, well-reasoned,
law-respecting decision, and then properly refused the United
States' petition to re-hear the case.
Unfortunately, a government appeal to the United States Supreme
Court was granted. In 2005, the "high court" overruled the Ninth
circuit's decision, reasoning that even though Raich couldn't
possibly be deemed to have a "commerce clause" relationship
herself, if she were left free to exercise her rights, the
government's efforts to control the activities of others would
be compromised. Think about the implications of that doctrine
for a bit...
Actually, you don't have to think about this for too long. Just
recently the court again slouched down this path of illogic and
disrespect for the law into an offense against all Americans.
The outrageous "Obamacare" decision of earlier this year
followed the Raich "logic", just as the attorneys for the
administration argued that it should:
"[Angel] Raich claimed that Congress could not regulate her
cultivation of marijuana for personal use because she was
'entirely separated from the market'. The Court rejected that
artificial limit on Congress’s commerce power, because
“marijuana that is grown at home and possessed for personal use
is never more than an instant from the interstate market,”
(Scalia, J., concurring in the judgment). The same principle
applies here. Because of human susceptibility to disease and
accident, we are all potentially never more than an instant from
the ‘point of consumption’ of health care."
In Raich, then, we have a sound, law-respecting,
liberty-enhancing ruling by a lower court which promptly gets
ground up by the court above, whose members are even more
married to the existing power structure, and have even less
compunction against any kind of shameless contortion in its
service than the court whose decision they are reviewing. What's
more, that contortion is then used as a pretext for the next,
which will, you can be sure, be used in turn for another. (For a
detailed discussion of the Raich case-- at first a
regrettably naive discussion written before the Supreme Court
ruled, followed by a disappointed update,
click here.)
In Raich, then, we have a circuit court ruling that
recognized limits on federal power, followed by a higher and
final ruling that pandered to federal ambition to be free of all
restraints, no matter the absurdity of the rationalizations
needed to service that ambition. There actually being no
rational relationship between the "interstate commerce clause"
authority and Angel Raich (but a lot of federal-state clients
with a lot riding on the continuation of drug prohibition), what
we have in Raich is a perfect example of judicial ruling
on the high court level based purely on the political agenda in
the influence of which the justices operate.
James Madison, in Federalist 42, explained that the chief reason
for the Commerce Clause was: "[T]he relief of the States
which import and export through other States, from the improper
contributions levied on them by the latter"-- that is, the
prevention of one State imposing tariffs on articles crossing
their borders. In a 1791 letter to George Washington commenting
on the proposed creation of a central bank, Thomas Jefferson
explains the limits of the Commerce Clause authority as follows:
"[T]he power given to Congress by the Constitution does not
extend to the internal regulation of the commerce of a State,
(that is to say of the commerce between citizen and citizen,)
which remain exclusively with its own legislature; but to its
external commerce only, that is to say, its commerce with
another State, or with foreign nations, or with the Indian
tribes."
John Marshall, first Chief Justice of the US Supreme Court, put
the matter this way: "It is not intended to say that these
words comprehend that [type of] commerce, which is completely
internal, which is carried on between man and man in a State, or
between different parts of the same State, and which does not
extend to or affect other States. Such a power would be
inconvenient, and is certainly unnecessary. Comprehensive as the
word `among' is, it may very properly be restricted to that
commerce which concerns more States than one. ... The
enumeration presupposes something not enumerated; and that
something, if we regard the language or the subject of the
sentence, must be the exclusively internal commerce of a State."
Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. 1, (1824).
From these declarations by the author of the Declaration of
Independence, the Father of the Constitution, and the first
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and from the plain words of
the clause itself, do we find support for the notion that the
commerce clause authorizes the federal government to punish
Angel Raich for exercising her individual rights in service to a
scheme to criminalize and punish other Americans from doing the
same? Or that it authorizes the federal government to subject
you to a punitive tax in order to force you to become a customer
of a health-insurance industry whose services you do not want,
because otherwise a federal scheme to finance insurance for
other people with your money will fail? Clearly not.
But these are things that courts have said. So, does this mean
that Madison, Jefferson and Marshall and your own eyes and
reason are wrong about the Commerce Clause? Or does the clause
now mean something different, whatever it might once have meant?
Or does it mean that the courts have simply chosen to disregard
the law, and hope that you will be so conditioned to respect
"official pronouncements" that you will imagine one of the first
two possibilities are true without further thought (or are so
apathetic or so cowed as to pretend one of them are true, and
quietly let the rule of law become the rule of the
"interpreters")?
Your call.
"A free people claim their rights as derived from the laws of
nature, and not as the gift of their chief magistrate."
-Thomas Jefferson |
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Illuminating
anniversaries of this week:
March 5- In 1770,
British troops murder five Americans in what becomes known as the Boston
Massacre. In 1836, Samuel Colt makes the first production-model
revolver, in .34 caliber. In 1933, FDR declares a "bank holiday"-- closing all
banks under United States jurisdiction; and in Germany, the Nazis win 44
percent of the vote in parliamentary elections. In 1940, members
of the Soviet oligarchy order the murder of about 22,000 Poles in what
becomes known as the Katyn Massacre. In 1979, Voyager 1 makes its
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Where Is Clark Kent When You Need Him?
"It is not the function of our Government to keep the citizen
from falling into error; it is the function of the citizen to keep
the Government from falling into error."
-United States Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson
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Illuminating
anniversaries of this week:
March 6- In 1819,
the United States Supreme Court acknowledges in its ruling in McCulloch
v. Maryland that the power to tax is the power to destroy. In
1836, the Texas volunteers defending the Alamo are defeated. In
1857, the Supreme Court issues its ruling in Dred Scott v. Sanford,
holding that African-Americans were not persons and could not become
citizens, and that Congress could not prohibit slavery in federal
territories. In 1869, Russian chemist Dmitri Mendeleev creates the
periodic table. In 1899, Bayer trademarks "aspirin". In
1951, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg go on trial for giving nuclear secrets
to the Soviet Union. In 2007, "Scooter" Libby, Chief of Staff to
former Vice President Dick Cheney, is found guilty of perjury and
obstruction of justice in connection with revealing the identity of CIA
operative Valerie Plame in retaliation for her husband's having made
public evidence that the Bush administration's claims of Iraqi ambitions
to make nuclear weapons were false. |
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'The BOSTONIAN'S Paying the EXCISE-MAN, or TARRING & FEATHERING' (1774)
(How our forefathers responded to arrogant "Rule of Law defiers"...)
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I'm sorry to say that due to the characteristics of the new server I began
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longer possible. However, just so you know:
CtC-related hits between April 1, 2006 (when
logging began under the old server) and August 31, 2007 totaled
17,277,595!
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The Willingness Of Some People To Trade Liberty For Convenience Is
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Some Observations About Current Political Efforts To
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Regarding "Tax Reform" |
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Warrior David Larson shares this beautiful little farce, wryly
observing that,
"Depositors have "..not lost one penny.." - OK we could agree on that
simple statement ..how about the purchasing power
of that same penny 'not lost'?"
Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics
REGARDING MONEY
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Illuminating anniversaries of this week:
March 7- In 321, Emperor
Constantine decreed that the dies Solis (the day of the sun god, Solis,
or Sol, aka, Sunday) would be the official "day of rest" throughout the
Roman Empire. In 1876,
Alexander Graham Bell is awarded the patent for the telephone. In
1965, 600 civil rights marchers are attacked by police with bullwhips, billy-clubs, teargas and dogs in Selma, Alabama. In 2007, Britain
eliminates hereditary membership in the House of Lords.
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Last Word
"If ye love wealth greater than liberty, the tranquility of servitude
greater than the animating contest for freedom, go home from us in peace. We
seek not your counsel, nor your arms. Crouch down and lick the hand that
feeds you. May your chains set lightly upon you; and may posterity forget
that ye were our countrymen."
-Samuel Adams,
Architect of the First American Revolution
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